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Psycology » Persons » Thinkers » Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980)

So she broke into the life history of a free artist and thinker, putting it before the need decisive choice: to accept or to what happened to fight for the liberation of France. He chose to resist, and this determined his entire life in politics, literature and philosophy. Twenty years later in the article memory Merleau-Ponty, Sartre spoke of it this way "Resistance shifted us moderate intellectuals, to the left."

In 1941, Sartre was released from prison for health reasons and was in Paris. Here he organized underground group under the slogan "Socialism and Liberty." Title highly significant political credo is Sartre, who believed that socialism (as it existed at the time) is not enough freedom. The idea of ​​free socialism led actions and thoughts of Sartre almost four decades of his life. If you keep this in mind, it is possible to explain many seemingly strange his actions.

Almost nothing significant group Sartre failed to do, but he completed the ontological treatise and put it on the first professional stage play "The Flies." And a large tract (seven-plus pages), and a short play interpret one and the same, although, of course, with varying degrees of completeness - the "freedom in situation" that, in fact, is, according to Sartre, the definition of human existence (existence). Hence the system of his views became known as "existentialism."

Sartre explains that his study aims to describe human existence. His initial interest is not to say what people should look like and what they look like in reality. For example, he says, not that we have free choice, and that the conditions of human existence are such that we can not escape this choice.

Thus, Sartre argues that everyone should make their own choices of their world. But here comes the problem: because everyone should do the same. Individual choice, even if one chooses for all men.

We disclaim freedom, because the recognition of the suffering we experience it, says Sartre. Suffering is felt where there is nothing that determines the choice, and where everything is possible. He writes that "at the very moment when I attain its existence as the horror of the abyss, I realize this is not horror as defined in relation to my possible behavior. In one sense, this horror requires prudent behavior, and it is itself a preliminary outline of this behavior. In another sense, he lays the final moments of this behavior only as possible, just because I do not comprehend it as the cause of these end points. " Concept of suffering or fear, becomes the cornerstone of existentialism. But suffering is by no means the only or even a necessary consequence of the exercise of freedom. Existential thinking, no doubt, can not be conceived as arising solely out of desperation in the face of absurdity.

In defense of his ideas from the charge of pessimism Sartre said that it is wrong to consider stuff like his philosophy, "for no doctrine is more optimistic, as she placed the destiny of man in himself" ("Existentialism - a Humanism" ;).

Ten years passed before Sartre realize that no special system of morality, existentialism does not imply, and indeed, this philosophical position - rather, "ideology" rather than philosophical insight in the true sense of the word. And this act of individual self-knowledge - the result of a series of "intellectual experiments": the prose trilogy, "The Road of Freedom" (1945-1949), theoretical essays like "What is Literature" (1947), and primarily plays, of which particular resonance called "Dirty Hands" (1948) and "The Devil and the Lord God" (1951).

When the war against Nazism, the political situation is extremely complicated, and again there is a problem of political self-determination, and moral support its position. Initial conditions problem articulates one of the characters in the play "The Devil and the Lord God": "The world is unfair, since you priemlesh it - then you become an accomplice, and you want to change - become an executioner." And, nevertheless, Sartre made his choice - a choice in favor of changing the world.

In 1952, in an Open Letter to Albert Camus, he wrote: "Our freedom today is nothing like the fight for free choice to become free." Viewpoint "real politics" begins to dominate his thinking. He is opposed to capitalism with its inherent exploitation of the working class, against colonialism and American imperialism, colonialism supports. He advocates Henri Martin, a sailor-communist, sentenced to five years in prison for propaganda against the war in Indochina, and moving closer to the communists within the peace movement. His close relationship with the Communists continued until 1956, when the Hungarian events forced him to address the article "The Ghost of Stalin." But he cares not only "Stalin's ghost", but the specter of fascism, returning to France under the slogan "Algeria - French" and the program of the military suppression of the liberation movement of the people. This is the theme of the most famous, perhaps, of his play "Aloof Altona."

Sartre's political activities brought him deep disappointment and led to an attempt to radically reconstruct his thought. He planned to work "Critique of Dialectical Reason" in two volumes: the first - both theoretical and abstract study, the second - as the interpretation of history. However, the "Criticism" was never completed. Sartre refused the second volume after writing a few chapters. The first volume was published in 1960 and is rated as "monster unreadable." Sartre stunned audience recognition that currently only one, Marxism became "soil every individual thought and culture across the horizon."

Sartre just joined Marxism, but decided to breathe new life into it.

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